The Art of War, by Lionel Giles, [1910], at sacred-texts.com

p. xi

INTRODUCTION

Sun Wu and his Book.

Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien gives the following biography of Sun Tzŭ: 1—

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About Sun Tzŭ himself this is all that Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien has to tell us in this chapter. But he proceeds to give a biography of his descendant, # Sun Pin, born about a hundred years after his famous ancestor's death, and also the outstanding military genius of his time. The historian speaks of him too as Sun Tzŭ, and in his preface we read: # "Sun Tzŭ had his feet cut off and yet continued to discuss the art of war." 1 It seems likely, then, that "Pin" was a nickname bestowed on him after his mutilation, unless indeed the story was invented in order to account for the name. The crowning incident of his career, the crushing defeat of his treacherous rival P‘ang Chüan, will be found briefly related on p. 40.

p. xiii

To return to the elder Sun Tzŭ. He is mentioned in two other passages of the Shih Chi:—

This is the latest date at which anything is recorded of Sun Wu. He does not appear to have survived his patron, who died from the effects of a wound in 496.

In the chapter entitled # (the earlier portion of which M. Chavannes believes to be a fragment of a treatise on Military Weapons), there occurs this passage: 5

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It is obvious that Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien at least had no doubt about the reality of Sun Wu as an historical personage; and with one exception, to be noticed presently, he is by far the most important authority on the period in question. It will not be necessary, therefore, to say much of such a work as the # Wu Yüeh Ch‘un Ch‘iu, which is supposed to have been written by # Chao Yeh of the 1st century A.D. The attribution is somewhat doubtful; but even if it were otherwise, his account would be of little value, based as it is on the Shih Chi and expanded with romantic details. The story of Sun Tzŭ will be found, for what it is worth, in chapter 2. The only new points in it worth noting are: 1) Sun Tzŭ was first recommended to Ho Lu by Wu Tzŭ-hsü. 2) He is called a native of Wu. 1 3) He had previously lived a retired life, and his contemporaries were unaware of his ability. 2

The following passage occurs in # Huai-nan Tzŭ: "When sovereign and ministers show perversity of mind, it is impossible even for a Sun Tzŭ to encounter the foe." 3 Assuming that this work is genuine (and hitherto no doubt has been cast upon it), we have here the earliest direct reference, to Sun Tzŭ, for Huai-nan Tzŭ died in 122 B.C., many years before the Shih Chi was given to the world.

# Liu Hsiang (B.C. 80–9) in his # says: "The reason why Sun Wu at the head of 30,000 men beat

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[paragraph continues] Ch‘u with 200,000 is that the latter were undisciplined." 1

# Têng Ming-shih in his # (completed in 1134) informs us that the surname was bestowed on Sun Wu's grandfather by # Duke Ching of Ch‘i [547–490 B.C.]. Sun Wu's father Sun # Ping, rose to be a Minister of State in Chi, and Sun Wu himself, whose style was # Ch‘ang-ch‘ing, fled to Wu on account of the rebellion which was being fomented by the kindred of # T‘ien Pao. He had three sons, of whom the second, named # Ming, was the father of Sun Pin. According to this account, then, Pin was the grandson of Wu, 2 which, considering that Sun Pin's victory over in Wei was gained in 341 B.C., may be dismissed as chronologically impossible. Whence these data were obtained by Têng Ming-shih I do not know, but of course no reliance whatever can be placed in them.

An interesting document which has survived from the close of the Han period is the short preface written by the great # Ts‘ao Ts‘ao, or # Wei Wu Ti, for his edition of Sun Tzŭ. I shall give it in full:—

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[paragraph continues]

p. xvii

[paragraph continues]

One thing to be noticed in the above is the explicit statement that the 13 chapters were specially composed for King Ho Lu. This is supported by the internal evidence of I. § 15, in which it seems clear that some ruler is addressed.

In the bibliographical section of the Han Shu, 2 there is an entry which has given rise to much discussion: # "The works of Sun Tzŭ of Wu in 82 p‘ien (or chapters), with diagrams in 9 chüan." It is evident that this cannot be merely the 13 chapters known to Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien, or those we possess to-day. Chang Shou-chieh in his # refers to an edition of Sun Tzŭ's # of which the "13 chapters" formed the first chüan, adding that there were two other chüan besides. 3 This has brought forth a theory, that the bulk of these 82 chapters consisted of other writings of Sun Tzŭ—we should call them apocryphal—similar to the # Wên Ta, of which a specimen dealing with the Nine Situations 4 is preserved in the # T‘ung Tien, and another in Ho Shih's commentary. It is suggested

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that before his interview with Ho Lu, Sun Tzŭ had only written the 13 chapters, but afterwards composed a sort of exegesis in the form of question and answer between himself and the King. # Pi I-hsün, author of the # Sun Tzŭ Hsü Lu, backs this up with a quotation from the Wu Yüeh Ch‘un Ch‘iu: "The King of Wu summoned Sun Tzŭ, and asked him questions about the art of war. Each time he set forth a chapter of his work, the King could not find words enough to praise him." 1 As he points out, if the whole work was expounded on the same scale as in the above-mentioned fragments. the total number of chapters could not fail to be considerable. 2 Then the numerous other treatises attributed to Sun Tzŭ 3 might also be included. The fact that the Han Chih mentions no work of Sun Tzŭ except the 82 p‘ien, whereas the Sui and T‘ang bibliographies give the titles of others in addition to the "13 chapters," is good proof, Pi I-hsün thinks, that all of these were contained in the 82 p‘ien. Without pinning our faith to the accuracy of details supplied by the Wu Yüeh Ch‘un Ch‘iu, or admitting the genuineness of any of the treatises cited by Pi I-hsün, we may see in this theory a probable solution of the mystery. Between Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien and Pan Ku there was plenty of time for a luxuriant crop of forgeries to have grown up under the magic name of Sun Tzŭ, and the 82 p‘ien may very well represent a collected edition of these lumped together with the original work.

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[paragraph continues] It is also possible, though less likely, that some of them existed in the time of the earlier historian and were purposely ignored by him. 1

Tu Mu, after Ts‘ao Kung the most important commentator on Sun Tzŭ, composed the preface to his edition 2 about the middle of the ninth century. After a somewhat lengthy defence of the military art, 3 he comes at last to Sun Tzŭ himself, and makes one or two very startling assertions:—"The writings of Sun Wu," he says, "originally comprised several hundred thousand words, but Ts‘ao Ts‘ao, the Emperor Wu Wei, pruned away all redundancies and wrote out the essence of the whole, so as to form a single book in 13 chapters." 4 He goes on to remark that Ts‘ao Ts‘ao's commentary on Sun Tzŭ leaves a certain proportion of difficulties unexplained. This, in Tu Mu's opinion, does not necessarily imply that he was unable to furnish a complete commentary. 5 According to the Wei Chih, Ts‘ao himself wrote a book on war in something over 100,000 words, known as the # . It appears to have been of such exceptional merit that he suspects Ts‘ao to have used for it the surplus material which he had found in Sun Tzŭ. He concludes, however, by saying: "The Hsin Shu is now lost, so that the truth cannot be known for certain." 6

Tu Mu's conjecture seems to be based on a passage

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in the # "Wei Wu Ti strung together Sun Wu's Art of War," 1 which in turn may have resulted from a misunderstanding of the final words of Ts‘ao Kung's preface: #. This, as Sun Hsing-yen points out, 2 is only a modest way of saying that he made an explanatory paraphrase, 3 or in other words, wrote a commentary on it. On the whole, the theory has met with very little acceptance. Thus, the # says: 4 "The mention of the 13 chapters in the Shih Chi shows that they were in existence before the Han Chih, and that later accretions are not to be considered part of the original work. Tu Mu's assertion can certainly not be taken as proof." 5

There is every reason to suppose, then, that the 13 chapters existed in the time of Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien practically as we have them now. That the work was then well known he tells us in so many words: "Sun Tzŭ's 13 Chapters and Wu Ch‘i's Art of War are the two books that people commonly refer to on the subject of military matters. Both of then are widely distributed, so I will not discuss them here." 6 But as we go further back, serious difficulties begin to arise. The salient fact which has to be faced is that the Tso Chuan, the great contemporary record, makes no mention whatever of Sun

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[paragraph continues] Wu, either as a general or as a writer. It is natural, in view of this awkward circumstance, that many scholars should not only cast doubt on the story of Sun Wu as given in the Shih Chi, but even show themselves frankly sceptical as to the existence of the man at all. The most powerful presentment of this side of the case is to be found in the following disquisition by # Yeh Shui-hsin: 1—

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Yeh Shui-hsin represents Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien as having said that Sun Wu crushed Ch‘u and entered Ying. This is not quite correct. No doubt the impression left on the reader's mind is that he at least shared in these exploits; but the actual subject of the verbs #, #, # and # is certainly #, as is shown by the next words: #. 7 The fact may or may not be significant; but it is nowhere explicitly stated in the Shih Chi either that Sun Tzŭ was general on the occasion of

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the taking of Ying, or that he even went there at all. Moreover, as we know that Wu Yüan and Po P‘ei both took part in the expedition, and also that its success was largely due to the dash and enterprise of # Fu Kai, Ho Lu's younger brother, it is not easy to see how yet another general could have played a very prominent part in the same campaign.

# Ch‘ên Chên-sun of the Sung dynasty has the note: 1—

He also says:—

It is noticeable that both Yeh Shui-hsin and Ch‘ên Chên-sun, while rejecting the personality of Sun Wu as he figures in Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien's history, are inclined to accept the date traditionally assigned to the work which passes under his name, The author of the Hsü Lu fails to appreciate this distinction, and consequently his bitter attack on Ch‘ên Chên-sun really misses its mark. He makes one or two points, however, which certainly tell in favour of the high antiquity of our "13 chapters." "Sun Tzŭ," he says, "must have lived in the age of Ching Wang [519–476], because he is frequently plagiarised in subsequent works of the Chou, Ch‘in and Han dynasties." 4

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[paragraph continues] The two most shameless offenders in this respect are Wu Ch‘i and Huai-nan Tzŭ, both of them important historical personages in their day. The former lived only a century after the alleged date of Sun Tzŭ, and his death is known to have taken place in 381 B.C. It was to him, according to Liu Hsiang, that # Tsêng Shên delivered the Tso Chuan, which had been entrusted to him by its author. 1 Now the fact that quotations from the Art of War, acknowledged or otherwise, are to be found in so many authors of different epochs, establishes a very strong probability that there was some common source anterior to them all,—in other words, that Sun Tzŭ's treatise was already in existence towards the end of the 5th century B.C. Further proof of Sun Tzŭ's antiquity is furnished by the archaic or wholly obsolete meanings attaching to a number of the words he uses. A list of these, which might perhaps be extended, is given in the Hsü Lu; and though some of the interpretations are doubtful, the main argument is hardly affected thereby. 2 Again, it must not be forgotten that Yeh Shui-hsin, a scholar and critic of the first rank, deliberately pronounces the style of the 13 chapters to

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belong to the early part of the fifth century. Seeing that he is actually engaged in an attempt to disprove the existence of Sun Wu himself, we may be sure that he would not have hesitated to assign the work to a later date had he not honestly believed the contrary. And it is precisely on such a point that the judgment of an educated Chinaman will carry most weight. Other internal evidence is not far to seek. Thus, in XIII. § 1, there is an unmistakable allusion to the ancient system of land-tenure which had already passed away by the time of Mencius, who was anxious to see it revived in a modified form. 1 The only warfare Sun Tzŭ knows is that carried on between the various feudal princes (#), in which armoured chariots play a large part. Their use seems to have entirely died out before the end of the Chou dynasty. He speaks as a man of Wu, a state which ceased to exist as early as 473 B.C. On this I shall touch presently.

But once refer the work to the 5th century or earlier, and the chances of its being other than a bonâ fide production are sensibly diminished. The great age of forgeries did not come until long after. That it should have been forged in the period immediately following 473 is particularly unlikely, for no one, as a rule, hastens to identify himself with a lost cause. As for Yeh Shui-hsin's theory, that the author was a literary recluse, 2 that seems to me quite untenable. If one thing is more apparent than another after reading the maxims of Sun Tzŭ, it is that their essence has been distilled from a large store of personal observation and experience. They reflect the mind not only of a born strategist, gifted with a rare faculty of generalisation, but also of a practical soldier closely acquainted with the military conditions of his time. To say nothing

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of the fact that these sayings have been accepted and endorsed by all the greatest captains of Chinese history, they offer a combination of freshness and sincerity, acuteness and common sense, which quite excludes the idea that they were artificially concocted in the study. If we admit, then, that the 13 chapters were the genuine production of a military man living towards the end of the "Ch‘un Ch‘iu" period, are we not bound, in spite of the silence of the Tso Chuan, to accept Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien's account in its entirety? In view of his high repute as a sober historian, must we not hesitate to assume that the records he drew upon for Sun Wu's biography were false and untrustworthy? The answer, I fear, must be in the negative. There is still one grave, if not fatal, objection to the chronology involved in the story as told in the Shih Chi, which, so far as I am aware, nobody has yet pointed out. There are two passages in Sun Tzŭ in which he alludes to contemporary affairs. The first is in VI. § 21:—

The other is in XI. § 30:—

These two paragraphs are extremely valuable as evidence of the date of composition. They assign the work to the period of the struggle between Wu and Yüeh. So much has been observed by Pi I-hsün. But what has hitherto escaped notice is that they also seriously impair the credibility of Ssŭ-ma Ch‘ien's narrative. As we have seen above, the first positive date given in connection with Sun Wu is 512 B.C. He is then spoken of as a general, acting as confidential adviser to Ho Lu, so that his alleged introduction to that monarch had already taken place,

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and of course the 13 chapters must have been written earlier still. But at that time, and for several years after, down to the capture of Ying in 506, # Ch‘u, and not Yüeh, was the great hereditary enemy of Wu. The two states, Ch‘u and Wu, had been constantly at war for over half a century, 1 whereas the first war between Wu and Yüeh was waged only in 510, 2 and even then was no more than a short interlude sandwiched in the midst of the fierce struggle with Ch‘u. Now Ch‘u is not mentioned in the 13 chapters at all. The natural inference is that they were written at a time when Yüeh had become the prime antagonist of Wu, that is, after Ch‘u had suffered the great humiliation of 506. At this point, a table of dates may be found useful.

The sentence quoted above from VI. § 21 hardly strikes me as one that could have been written in the full flush of victory. It seems rather to imply that, for the moment at least, the tide had turned against Wu, and that she was getting the worst of the struggle. Hence we may conclude that our treatise was not in existence in 505, before which date Yüeh does not appear to have scored any notable success against Wu. Ho Lu died in 496, so that if the book was written for him, it must have been during the period 505–496, when there was a lull in the hostilities, Wu having presumably been exhausted by its supreme effort against Ch‘u. On the other hand, if we choose to disregard the tradition connecting Sun Wu's name with Ho Lu, it might equally well have seen the light between 496 and 494, or possibly in the period 482–473, when Yüeh was once again becoming a very serious menace. 1 We may feel fairly certain that the author, whoever he may have been, was not a man of any great eminence in his own day. On this point the negative testimony of the Tso Chuan far outweighs any shred of authority still attaching to the Shih Chi, if once its other facts are discredited. Sun Hsing-yen, however, makes a feeble attempt to explain the omission of his name from

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the great commentary. It was Wu Tzŭ-hsü, he says, who got all the credit of Sun Wu's exploits, because the latter (being an alien) was not rewarded with an office in the State. 1

How then did the Sun Tzŭ legend originate? It may be that the growing celebrity of the book imparted by degrees a kind of factitious renown to its author. It was felt to be only right and proper that one so well versed in the science of war should have solid achievements to his credit as well. Now the capture of Ying was undoubtedly the greatest feat of arms in Ho Lu's reign; it made a deep and lasting impression on all the surrounding states, and raised Wu to the short-lived zenith of her power. Hence, what more natural, as time went on, than that the acknowledged master of strategy, Sun Wu, should be popularly identified with that campaign, at first perhaps only in the sense that his brain conceived and planned it; afterwards, that it was actually carried out by him in conjunction with Wu Yüan, 2 Po P‘ei and Fu Kai?

It is obvious that any attempt to reconstruct even the outline of Sun Tzŭ's life must be based almost wholly on conjecture. With this necessary proviso, I should say that he probably entered the service of Wu about the time of Ho Lu's accession, and gathered experience, though only in the capacity of a subordinate officer, during the intense military activity which marked the first half of that prince's reign. 3 If he rose to be a general at all, he certainly was never on an equal footing with the three

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above mentioned. He was doubtless present at the investment and occupation of Ying, and witnessed Wu's sudden collapse in the following year. Yüeh's attack at this critical juncture, when her rival was embarrassed on every side, seems to have convinced him that this upstart kingdom was the great enemy against whom every effort would henceforth have to be directed. Sun Wu was thus a well-seasoned warrior when he sat down to write his famous book, which according to my reckoning must have appeared towards the end, rather than the beginning, of Ho Lu's reign. The story of the women may possibly have grown out of some real incident occurring about the same time. As we hear no more of Sun Wu after this from any source, he is hardly likely to have survived his patron or to have taken part in the death-struggle with Yüeh, which began with the disaster at Tsui-li.

If these inferences are approximately correct, there is a certain irony in the fate which decreed that China's most illustrious man of peace should be contemporary with her greatest writer on war.

Footnotes

xi:1 Shih Chi, ch. 65.

xi:2 Also written # Ho Lü. He reigned from 514 to 496 B.C.

xii:1 Shih Chi, ch. 130, f. 6 r°.

xiii:1 I note that M. Chavannes translates # "le peuple est épuisé." But in Sun Tzŭ's own book (see especially VII §§ 24–26) the ordinary meaning of # is "army," and this, I think, is more suitable here.

xiii:2 These words are given also in Wu Tzŭ-hsü's biography, ch. 66, fol. 3 r°.

xiii:3 The appellation of # Nang Wa.

xiii:4 Shih Chi, ch. 31, fol. 6 r°.

xiii:5 Ibid. ch. 25, fol. I r°.

xiii:6 The appellation of # Ho Yen, mentioned in ch. 39 under the year 637

xiii:7 # Wang-tzŭ Ch‘êng-fu, ch. 32, year 607.

xiv:1 The mistake is natural enough. Native critics refer to the #, a work of the Han dynasty, which says (ch. 2, fol. 3 v° of my edition): # "Ten li outside the Wu gate [of the city of # Wu, now Soochow in Kiangsu] there is a great mound, raised to commemorate the entertainment of Sun Wu of Ch‘i, who excelled in the art of war, by the King of Wu."

xiv:2 #.

xiv:3 #.

xv:1 #.

xv:2 The Shih Chi, on the other hand, says: #. I may remark in passing that the name # for one who was a great warrior is just as suspicious as # for a man who had his feet cut off.

xv:3 An allusion to #, II. 2: # "They attached strings to wood to make bows, and sharpened wood to make arrows. The use of bows and arrows is to keep the Empire in awe."

xv:4 # XII. 7.

xv:5 # V. iv. 7.

xv:6 #, 7^th diagram (#).

xvi:1 #.

xvi:2 # ch. 1 (#) ad init. The text of the passage in the # T‘u Shu (#, ch. 85) is: #.

xvi:3 The son and successor of Ho Lu.. He was finally defeated and overthrown by # Kou Chien, King of Yüeh, in 473 B.C. See post.

xvi:4 King Yen of # Hsü, a fabulous being, of whom Sun Hsing-yen says in his preface: # "His humanity brought him to destruction." See Shih Chi, ch. 5, f. 1 v°, and M. Chavannes’ note, Mémoires Historiques, tom. II, p. 8.

xvi:5 T‘u Shu, ibid. ch. 90: #.

xvi:6 The passage I have put in brackets is omitted in the T‘u Shu, and may be an interpolation. It was known, however, to # Chang Shou-chieh of the T‘ang dynasty, and appears in the T‘ai P‘ing Yü Lan.

xvi:7 Ts‘ao Kung seems to be thinking of the first part of chap. II, perhaps especially of § 8.

xvii:1 #.

xvii:2 #.

xvii:3 The # mentions two editions of Sun Tzŭ in 3 chüan, namely # and #.

xvii:4 See chap. XI.

xviii:1 #.

xviii:2 #.

xviii:3 Such as the #, quoted in # Chêng Hsüan's commentary on the Chou Li, the # and #, mentioned in the # Sui Chih, and the #, in the Hsin T‘ang Chih.

xix:1 On the other hand, it is noteworthy that # Wu Tzŭ, which is now in 6 chapters, has 48 assigned to it in the Han Chih. Likewise, the Chung Yung is credited with 49 chapters, though now in one only. in the case of such very short works, one is tempted to think that # might simply mean "leaves."

xix:2 See T‘u Shu, ch. 442, #.

xix:3 An extract will be found on p. xlv.

xix:4 #.

xix:5 #.

xix:6 # p. xx #.

xx:1 #.

xx:2 See #.

xx:3 #.

xx:4 Ch. 99, fol. 5 r°.

xx:5 #.

xx:6 Shih Chi, ch. 65 ad fin: #.

xxi:1 # Yeh Shih of the Sung dynasty [1151–1223]. See # ch. 221, ff. 7, 8.

xxi:2 See Tso Chuan, #, I. 3 ad fin. and XI. 3 ad init. He hardly deserves to be bracketed with assassins.

xxi:3 See pp. 66, 128.

xxi:4 See Tso Chuan, #, XXX. 5.

xxi:5 See p. 128. Chuan Chu is the abbreviated form of his name.

xxi:6 I.e. Po P‘ei. See ante.

xxi:7 #.

xxi:8 The nucleus of this work is probably genuine, though large additions have been made by later hands. Kuan Chung died in 645 B.C.

xxi:9 See infra, p. l.

xxi:10 I do not know what work this is, unless it be the last chapter of the #. Why that chapter should be singled out, however, is not clear.

xxii:1 About 480 B.C.

xxii:2 #.

xxii:3 That is, I suppose, the age of Wu Wang and Chou Kong.

xxii:4 In the 3rd century B.C.

xxii:5 Ssŭ-ma Jang-chü, whose family name was # T‘ien, lived in the latter half of the 6th century B.C., and is also believed to have written a work on war. See Shih Chi, ch. 64, and infra, p. l.

xxii:6 #.

xxii:7 See the end of the passage quoted from the Shih Chi on p. xii.

xxiii:1 In the #, a classified catalogue of his family library.

xxiii:2 See Wên Hsien T‘ung K‘ao, ch. 221, f. 9 r°: #.

xxiii:3 See Hsü Lu, f. 14 r°: #.

xxiii:4 # Here is a list of the passages in Sun Tzŭ from which p. xxiveither the substance or the actual words have been appropriated by early authors: VII. 9; IX. 17; I. 24 (#). IX. 23; IX. I, 3, 7; V. 1; III. 18; XI. 58; VII. 31; VII. 24; VII. 26; IX. 15; IX. 4 (bis) (#). III. 8; IV. 7 (#) VII. 19; V. 14; III 2 (#). III. 8; XI. 2; I. 19; XI. 58; X. 10 & VI. 1 (#. Two of the above are given as quotations). V. 13; IV. 2 (#). IX. 11, 12; XI. 30; I. 13; VII. 19 & IV. 7; VII. 32; VII. 25; IV. 20 & V. IX. 43; V. 15; VII. 26; V. 4 & XI. 39; VIII. 11; VI. 4 (#). V. 4 (#). II. 20; X. 14 (#).

xxiv:1 See Legge's Classics, vol. V, Prolegomena p. 27. Legge thinks that the Tso Chuan must have been written in the 5th century, but not before 424 B.C.

xxiv:2 The instances quoted are:—III. 14, 15: # is said to be equivalent to #; II. 15: # = #; VII. 28: # = #; XI. 60: # =#; XI. 24: the use of # instead of # (the later form); XI. 64: # = #; IX. 3: # = #; III. 11: # and # antithetically opposed in the sense of # and #; XI. 56: # = #; XI. 31: #= #.

xxv:1 See Mencius III. 1. iii. 13–20.

xxv:2 # need not be pressed to mean an actual dweller in the mountains. I think it simply denotes a person living a retired life and standing aloof from public affairs.

xxvii:1 When Wu first appears in the Ch‘un Ch‘iu in 584, it is already at variance with its powerful neighbour. The Ch‘un Ch‘iu first mentions Yüeh in 539, the Tso Chuan in 601.

xxvii:2 This is explicitly stated in the Tso Chuan, #.

xxviii:1 There is this to be said for the later period, that the feud would tend to grow more bitter after each encounter, and thus more fully justify the language used in XI, § 30.

xxix:1 See his preface to Sun Tzŭ: #.

xxix:2 With Wu Yüan himself the case is just the reverse:—a spurious treatise on war has been fathered on him simply because he was a great general. Here we have an obvious inducement to forgery. Sun Wu, on the other hand, cannot have been widely known to fame in the 5^th century.

xxix:3 See Tso Chuan, #, 4^th year (506), § 14 #: "From the date of King Chao's accession [515] there was no year in which Ch‘u was not attacked by Wu."